In Türkiye, there is a common belief among some groups that there are 40 million Turks in Iran, all eagerly striving for independence. Many people often begin discussions about Iran by stating, "There are 40 million Turks in Iran." However, as observed by anyone who visits the region, Iranian Turks are quite reconciled with their Iranian identity, seeing themselves as the owners and even the founding element of Iran. They take pride in almost everything in Iran's thousand-year history.
İllustrasyon: Cemile Ağaç Yıldırım.
Iran’s new President, Masoud Pezeshkian, was born on September 29, 1954, in Mahabad, a city in West Azerbaijan province near the Türkiye border. A successful heart surgeon and former health minister, Pezeshkian’s surname includes the word "Pezeshk," which means "doctor" in Persian. The suffix "-ian" means "son of" or "related to" when attached to a surname, so it signifies "son of a doctor" or "related to doctors," not "doctors" in plural form. Such surnames are common in Persian, often indicating a historical connection to the medical profession.
THE DOCTOR PRESIDENT
In the 1990s, Pezeshkian served as the rector of Tabriz University of Medical Sciences, his alma mater. During his tenure, he implemented significant projects to enhance medical education and healthcare services. Under President Mohammad Khatami, he served first as Deputy Minister of Health and then as Minister of Health. During both his rectorate and ministerial roles, Pezeshkian initiated programs to expand healthcare services to rural areas, which was a key factor in his path to the presidency. The rural population, who typically vote for conservative candidates, recognized Pezeshkian’s contributions to rural healthcare, significantly influencing their voting behavior.
Pezeshkian’s family story is also well-known in Iran. He lost his wife, who was also a doctor, in a car accident in 1994. After this loss, Pezeshkian never remarried and raised his children on his own. His daughter Zahra supported him throughout his election campaign. Pezeshkian's lack of corruption allegations and his clean record, especially compared to his rival Kalibaf, were other factors that contributed to his success in this election. This article will briefly discuss the background of Pezeshkian's statements related to Turkishness, which are frequently highlighted in our country.
RECONCILED WITH IRANIAN IDENTITY
Pezeshkian’s use of Turkish and his emphasis on Turkishness have been widely discussed in Türkiye. Generally, there is a stereotype in Türkiye regarding Turks in Iran, which causes any Iranian political leader speaking Turkish to become a topic of interest in Türkiye. For instance, contrary to his harsh criticism by both reformists and conservatives in Iran, former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is more popular and well-known in Türkiye, partly due to his occasional use of Turkish in bilateral meetings with Türkiye.
In Türkiye, there is a common belief among some groups that there are 40 million Turks in Iran, all eagerly striving for independence. Many people often begin discussions about Iran by stating, "There are 40 million Turks in Iran." However, as observed by anyone who visits the region, Iranian Turks are quite reconciled with their Iranian identity, seeing themselves as the owners and even the founding element of Iran. They take pride in almost everything in Iran's thousand-year history. It is possible to hear Turkish in government offices, on the streets, and occasionally on TV or radio, but Persian has always been the official language of all ruling states in Iran.
When "Turkish" is mentioned in Iran, it refers to the Azerbaijani Turkish spoken there, not the Istanbul Turkish of Türkiye. For Iranians, the language spoken in Türkiye is called "Istanbuli." Additionally, "Turk" in Iran refers to Azerbaijani Turks, not Turkish people from Türkiye. Hence, Turkish-Iranian relations and Türkiye-Iran relations are distinct topics. During the Pahlavi era, the rise of Persian nationalism and Pan-Iranism led to increased oppression against Turks. People were forced to speak Persian, resulting in the strengthening and rapid spread of Pan-Turkist movements in Iran.
AN INTEGRATED STRUCTURE
The dynamics of Turkish nationalism in Iran differ significantly from those in Türkiye in historical, philosophical, and sociological terms. Various factors fuel Turkish nationalism in Iran, each with its own logic. For many Iranian Turks, despite their commitment to their language and identity, seeing Iran as their homeland is not wrong. There are thousands of ethnically Turkish individuals in Iran's religious seminaries and government, occupying high-level administrative positions. Thousands of ethnically Turkish individuals also serve in the Revolutionary Guards and its affiliated Basij organization.
This is true for the business world as well. Among Iranians, Tabrizis are known for their success in trade, with commerce largely dominated by them. Major enterprises in Iran often have Tabrizi entrepreneurs behind them. This is evident in product names too, such as "Sen-Ich" (You-Drink) for the largest fruit juice producer and "Achilan-Door" (Opening Door) for a leading automatic door brand. Numerous jokes and anecdotes about Tabrizis' commercial success are common in the country. Pan-Turkist thinkers attribute these jokes to Persian envy of Turkish success. Therefore, it is incorrect to describe Turks in Iran as an entirely marginalized and alienated community. Instead, they are fully integrated into the system, with some groups holding separatist views at various levels, though these views are not baseless.
TURK-PERSIAN CONFLICT
Since the Pahlavi era, a growing Turk-Persian conflict has persisted, fueled by the Persian nationalist groups within the Iranian establishment and media disregarding, insulting, and belittling Turks. This ignites tensions and triggers reactions against the Iranian state and its officials. From this perspective, there is no such thing as an "Azerbaijani Turk." Instead, the people there are Azeris, another Iranian ethnic group who have Turkified over time and forgotten their original identity. Persian nationalist sentiments within the Iranian establishment are substantial, leading to periodic assimilation policies against the region's population, which in turn has resulted in a reactionary rise in anti-Persian sentiment.
When attempting to speak Persian with any Turk in Iran, upon realizing you are Turkish, they will switch to Turkish, stating, "Let's speak our own language." This sensitivity is a result of the policies implemented throughout the 20th century. In Ardabil or Urmia, it is very likely to encounter shopkeepers who refuse to respond in Persian. However, all these do not necessarily mean these groups are enemies of the Iranian state. The same people take pride in their history, especially Shah Ismail, and claim that they built Iran's civilization. Many assert that Persians have not contributed to this civilization. Essentially, what is happening in Iran is a reaction to the rise of Persian nationalism. Turks and Turkishness are continuously insulted by Persian nationalist groups. For instance, the phrase "truly Turkish" is used derogatorily by these groups to describe someone as "dim-witted" or "stupid." This is less about enmity towards the Iranian state and more about rejecting the assertion of "You are not Turkish" with the response, "No, I am Turkish."
A SECULAR LIFESTYLE
One of the factors drawing Iranian Turks towards Pan-Turkism is opposition to the Islamic Republic. Among the Turkish population, who have adopted a more secular lifestyle and oppose the Islamic Republic, opposition to the regime is expressed under the Pan-Turkist banner. This represents a direct stance against the system. However, if Iran were to become secular again, it is uncertain whether these groups would continue their separatist desires. Another faction believes that Turks and Persians should not coexist, advocating for a united and independent Azerbaijan. Among the well-established Turkish population, there is some distance from these views. The harsh stance of the Iranian state towards this group also deters people from these ideologies.
Finally, it should be noted that there is a group within the Iranian Turks that seeks to exploit the interest of nationalists in Türkiye towards Turks in Iran for political and personal gain by distorting the situation in Iran. According to this group, "All Turks in Iran are oppressed under the Persian regime and are waiting for Türkiye's support for independence." This is a highly inaccurate perspective because, as mentioned earlier, the majority of Turks there see themselves as the founders and owners of the Iranian state.
WHERE DOES PEZESHKIAN STAND IN ALL THIS?
Masoud Pezeshkian’s emphasis on Turkishness should be read in this context. When Pezeshkian says, "I am Turkish," he is not rejecting being Iranian. In Iran, accepting Turkishness does not mean rejecting Iranian identity. "Iran" is a supranational identity for more than 30 ethnic groups in the country, with Persians being just one of them. If Pezeshkian were truly a "Turkist" as some think, he would not have been allowed to run for the presidency, let alone practice medicine in the country. His rivals accuse him of being a Pan-Turkist and label him a separatist. Pezeshkian is a unique and bold figure in many respects, but his rhetoric is based on the idea that "Turks are the original element of Iran." If his discourse were separatist or nationalist, it would have been impossible for him to rise to this position from the very center of the system.
This article was first published in Yeni Şafak newspaper on 25.03.2024.
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